Blue Bridge Lane
&
Fishergate House
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The Norman Conquest caused major political and topographical upheavals in the city of York (Kemp 1996, 41); unfortunately, little evidence has been produced which can be related to settlement of this period. Immediately following the Norman Conquest, it is suggested that the process of nucleation evidenced in the Anglo-Scandinavian period continued, and that while areas such as Micklegate area became densely populated, the areas of Fishergate and Walmgate became 'increasingly peripheral and suburban' (Rees Jones 1987, I, 56).
During the following centuries, however, documentary sources begin to provide an indication of the types of development that occurred along Fishergate (summarised by Burton 1996). Most notably, a number of ecclesiastical establishments are recorded; the churches of St Andrew, All Saints, St Stephen, St Helen and St George are all recorded from the 11th century onwards. Excavations on the site of 46-54 Fishergate revealed evidence for an 11th century church of St Andrew. The establishment of these churches has been suggested by Kemp and Graves (1996, 72) to represent the development of a 'continuous ribbon suburb represented by a string of churches on either side of Fishergate'. A number of smaller religious houses and maisons dieu are also mentioned in fleeting references, though their locations are uncertain.
Charters suggest that by the 13th century, Fishergate would have been at least partly developed with housing (Rees Jones 1987, I, 67). During this century, however, the construction of the city walls effectively cut the suburbs of Walmgate and Fishergate in half (both occur within and without the walls); this is thought to have led to a subsequent decline, both of the settlements, and their respective ecclesiastical establishments (Rees Jones 1987, I, 67). During the 14th century it is suggested that these areas would not have been densely settled; the area of Fawcett Street and Barbican Road became known as Benehills (Rees Jones 1987, I, 67), and a number of churches were eventually abandoned. In 1436, the parishes of Fishergate were assessed at less that 5s, a particularly low figure at the time (Rees Jones 1987, I, 68).
During excavations at Marlborough Grove (FAS 2000) and Fishergate House (YAT 1994), inhumation burials were encountered which can be tentatively assigned to the medieval period, and are likely to be associated with one of the documented religious establishments known to have existed along Fishergate. Unfortunately, as a review of the known evidence demonstrates, few churches are securely located, and apart from St Andrew's Fishergate and St George's, no structural remains of churches have been encountered. The most likely candidates for a church, if any, on the site of Fishergate House would be those dedicated to All Saints or St Helen.
The Domesday Book (fo. 298b) makes reference to a York church, dedicated to St Andrew, which is said to have been purchased by Hugh FitzBaldric (Burton 1996, 49). Although the Victoria County History associates this foundation with that of St Andrew, Ketmongergate, it is accepted that this is more likely to be on Fishergate. A direct line of descent can be traced between Hugh Fitzbaldric and Roger de Mowbray who, in 1142/3, granted to his prior of Hood 'the church of St Andrew in York, which is located beyond the Foss in Fishergate' (ecclesiam sancti Andree in Eboraco que sita est ultra fossam in Fischergata) (Burton 1996, 49). There is no evidence, however, that the priors of Hood took possession of the church. Likewise, the consequence of charters conveying the ownership of the church and appurtenances of St Andrew, Fishergate, to St Mary's Abbey are uncertain, and by the early 1200s, the church had fallen into the possession of Hugh Merdac, founder of the Gilbertine Priory.
In Period 4a of the 46-54 Fishergate site, evidence was produced for the establishment of a new settlement. A structure was identified in the south-eastern corner of the site, and refuse pits and postholes were established to the southwest, producing fragments of Stamford ware. Settlement evidence is not substantial during this period, the site does not appear to have been densely occupied or carefully organised (Kemp and Graves 1996, 94). The mid-11th to mid-12th century was ascribed to Period 4b, and saw the onset of burials, and the construction of a possible timber church to the southwest of the site.
The early church has been inferred from a compacted layer of clay, bounded by a linear slot. These have been interpreted as the floor and southern wall of a timber church, probably a single cell building. Burials associated with this church comprised 24 adult males, 17 adult females, one of indeterminate sex, and 18 subadults; some clench bolts were found in associated contexts, and pottery has been used to ascribe a mid-11th to mid-12th century date for these burials (Kemp and Graves 1996, 74-8). Of this population, half of the deaths of the adult males were deduced to have been caused by substantial injuries inflicted by blade, arrow or cross-bow. Stroud (1993) notes that the demography of the Period 4 cemeteries is as one would expect for a lay population representing an unbiased community (Stroud 1993, 252). There appears to have been some segregation of the population; for example, under-5s were buried to the west, including a group of infants (Stround 1993, 253).
The early church is thought to have been replaced by a stone structure (Period 4c); trampled limestone and millstone grit fragments have been interpreted as resulting from the reuse of Roman buildings materials for the construction of a possible church in the immediate vicinity (Kemp and Graves 1996, 79); these layers were cut by further burials.
The church of St Stephen, Fishergate, was recorded c.1093/4, when it was given to Archbishop Thomas I by William II in exchange for some land (Tillott 1961, 403; Wilson and Mee 1998). In 1331, the parish of St Stephens was annexed to St Martin's Coney Street, and the church was subsequently demolished (Raine 1955, 103; Palliser 1974, 87n). The church does not, therefore, occur in the list of churches in 1428 (Tillott 1961, 366).
Raine (1955, 102) places this church within the city walls between St Denys and St George: this is placed relatively securely in a will of 1405, in which property is conveyed by Thomas Catour to his son, William. Catour's tenement is described as lying 'between the churchyard of St Stephen on one side and the gutter of our Lord the King to the north on the other side, and in length from the lane called Noutegayle to the water of the Foss' (Raine 1955, 102-3). These features lay within the current line of the city walls.
The area to the north of Blue Bridge Lane, between the Foss and the Ouse, is known historically to have been the location of a small chapel dedicated to St George, which has led to the area becoming known as St George's Field. The history of this chapel is known from several documents. A number of mills are known to have existed in the area of St George's Field, and in 1232, Henry III granted to the Order of the Knights Templars, land between their mill on the Foss, from the bar beneath the castle, to Fishergate; it was on this land that the chapel was erected (Benson 1919, 21). The chapel has also been associated with York Castle, and was a Royal Free Chapel from 1311. In 1447, when the chapel fell into disuse, it was established as a house for the Guild of St George (Cal Pat Rolls 1447). The chapel was contacted archaeologically in 1990 during an evaluation by York Archaeological Trust, and a series of later buildings were identified (YAT Gaz. 1990.17).
References occurring in the Calendar of Patent Rolls, dating to May 1370, mention William de Ketelwell, 'parson of the church of St Gregory in Fysshergate'; in October of the same year, however, reference is made to William Ketelwell, parson of St Georges. It is possible that the names have been mixed, or are interchangeable.
Another of the earlier churches on Fishergate is that of All Saints, first documented when the church was granted to Whitby Abbey between 1091 and 1095, by King William Rufus (Rollason 1998, 207). Whitby is known to have been a considerable landholder in York: they are recorded to have had a bailiff and rent collector resident in Fishergate (Tillott 1961, 49).
Only a small amount of information survives regarding the history of this church (Rees Jones 1987, I, 57). In 1148, Abbot Benedict resigned his office at Beverley and retired to the cell at Fishergate (Atkinson 1879, 8). In 1265 x 1278, the community made an agreement over the diversion of water within their 'area' in York (Atkinson 1879, 234; Rees Jones 1987, I 57). The small community is thought to have maintained a residence there for some time, although Rees Jones notes that 'a series of enfeoffments of the mid-13th century suggests that they may have no longer fully occupied the site' (Rees Jones 1987, I, 57). The incumbents of this cell of Whitby Abbey were in dispute with the priors of St Andrew's Gilbertine Priory, over land held in Fishergate. In 1254, an agreement was reached between representatives of the two houses that the priory was to pay 14d annually to Whitby Abbey. In 1502, the York House Book records an incident when the Abbot of Whitby met the Prior of St Andrew's, in the presence of the Mayor of York, in order to reach an agreement. A dagger was drawn by a servant of the Abbot; he was sent to prison and made an apology the following day (YCR III, 19-20; Raine 1955, 300). Further disputes are documented in 1504/5, when Prior John and the canons (of St Andrew's) were seized of 5 acres in the Parish of All Saints, which were claimed by the abbot of Whitby.
The church is assumed to have been parochial, as it occurs in tax lists of 1327 to 1524 (Palliser 1974, 95). Between 1428 and 1448, an anchoress named Lady Isabel German is recorded to have dwelt in the churchyard, with a servant to look after her. Raine (1955, 300) identifies seven wills in which grants are made to her, by: Marion Redemane (1428), John Maltster, chaplain (1448), John Brighton (1428), Alice Haukewsorth, Isabel's aunt (1429), Adam Wigan, rector of St Saviours (1433), Thomas Bracebridge (1436) and Lord John Scrope (1455).
The church is thought to have been evacuated by Whitby in 1536. On 17th June 1549, the church became the property of Alderman Robert Paycok, bought for £2 15s (YCR V, 17; Palliser 1974, 95n). The parish of All Saints Fishergate was united with St Lawrence in 1586 (Tillott 1961, 386; Palliser 1974)
A will of 1431 states that All Saints lies 'without the city wall' (Drake 1736, 250), and Raine (1955, 300) places the church on the east site of Fishergate, about 150 yards outside the walls. In a field belonging to William Hutton, city Sheriff, stone foundations were identified in 1724 may (Raine 1955, 300; Palliser 1974, 95n). Human remains were encountered at the Cattle Market in 1826, 1855 and 1946 (Raine 1955, 300-1), and although work on Kent Street failed to locate the church (Medieval Archaeology 1974, 205), inhumations have been exposed during various phases of work at the Cattle Market (YAJ 1978, 16; Medieval Archaeology 1988, 291; Medieval Archaeology 1992, 274), and prior to the construction of a cycle path at Kent Street and Fawcett Street (YAT Gaz. 1991.15). These have been dated to the medieval period, and have been tentatively interpreted as relating to the church of All Saints'.
Although these finds clearly indicate the presence of a graveyard and possible church on the Cattle Market site, Rees Jones (1987, I, 57-8) would seem to suggest that they are unlikely to belong to All Saints. References to the diversions of water into the river in the 'area' of All Saints would suggest a location on the western side of the Fishergate (Rees Jones 1987, I, 57). The documentary evidence therefore provides a case for the church being located closer to the river, but this would leave the remains at the cattle market belonging to another foundation.
The church of St Helens, Fishergate, and the 'toft in front', were granted c. AD1100 by Ralph Paganel to the monks of St Martin Marmoutier, as part of the larger grant of Holy Trinity Micklegate (Benson 1911, 77; Raine 1955, 301; Wilson and Mee 1998). St Helens Fishergate is described by Raine as a 'small, unimportant church', assessed for taxation at its lowest rate. No testamentary burials have been identified, and Raine records that a female recluse dwelt in the churchyard (Raine 1955, 301). This reference occurs in a will of 1435, at the same time that an anchoress lived in the churchyard of All Saints; this raises the question of whether the two might have been confused. In 1585 or 1586, the parish was united with St Lawrence, the church demolished, and the redundant churchyard was subsequently rented out (Tillott 1961, 366; Palliser 1974, 97).
The church is believed to have been located on Fishergate, and is situated by Skaife about half way down Winterscale Street (Raine 1955, 301). Little is known of the justification for this, although Drake (1736) records that 'near the further windmill, where some stone coffins have been lately dug, stood once the parish church of St Elene or St Helen' (Drake 1736, 250).
Location on Winterscale Street would place the church on the site occupied by the Roman cemetery, which appears to have been widely accepted. It has been suggested that this juxtaposition may represent the continuation, or reoccupation, of a pre-existing religious establishment (Kemp and Graves 1996, 96), although is equally likely that the growth within this suburb may have meant a density of activity that led to the reuse of the site, and that the Roman cemetery would not necessarily have been visible at this time. There seems to be little secure evidence to place St Helen's on Winterscale Street; the presence of coffins in the 18th century need not be definite evidence for the location of the church. This church could therefore equally have been situated on the Blue Bridge Lane side of Fishergate.
St Helen's Church has been also been linked to a hospital on Fishergate, referred to as a 'spittle house in Fishergate, beside St Helen's' (Widdrington 1663). Knight (1944) states that this house was founded in 1399. In 1444, an indulgence was granted by Abbot Kemp for all who contributed to the reparation of the house of lepers of St Elene, commonly called 'in Fishergate'; the hospital was apparently taken down in about 1622 (Raine 1955, 301; Tillott 1961, 364; Page 1974, 351)
A chapel of St Catherine likely to have stood beyond St Helen's, is recorded in the Ousebridge Master's Rolls, in indirect references to a piece of land 'near to the chapel of St Catherine's in Fishergate'. Raine mentions extracts dating to 1445, 1468 and 1472, but nothing further is known to of the foundation (Raine 1955, 301-2).
Raine (1955, 101-2) discusses the evidence for two maisons dieu on Fishergate, one maintained by the cordwainers or shoemakers, and another maintained by St Christopher's guild. The first was founded by John Marton, cordwainer, before 1436 (Raine 1955, 102). In the same year, Thomas Bracebridge left 12d to the poor in the maison dieu of John Marton (Raine 1955, 102; Stacpoole 1972, 570). In 1442, John Close of York left 8d to the men and women in the maison dieu upon the Foss near Fishergate; this possibly refers to the same establishment. (Benson 1919; Raine 1955, 102). Although this could be in the vicinity of Blue Bridge Lane, Raine places the site within the city walls, closer to the city centre.
A second maison dieu is listed on Fishergate (Benson 1919, 122), maintained by St Christopher's Guild, and is mentioned in some of the above wills. Thomas Bracebridge mentions a second maison dieu on Fishergate, while John Close left 12d 'to men and women in the maison dieu in Fishergate maintained by the fraternity of St Christopher' (Raine 1955, 102). Later sources, dating to the mid-15th century, place a maison dieu of the fraternity of St Christopher in Coney Street; it is suggested that the foundation may have been moved by this date (Raine 1955, 140; Stacpoole 1972, 492; Tillott 1961, 365); its location on Fishergate is, however, unknown.
The Gilbertine order was founded in the 12th century to provide for women entering the religious life, and was particularly popular in eastern England. Four Gilbertine foundations are known to have existed in the diocese of York, including a double house at Watton, and houses for canons at Malton, Ellerton and York (on Fishergate) (Burton 1996, 50). Hugh Merdac, founder of the Gilbertine Priory, is recorded as prebendary of Driffield, rector of Bamburgh, and in the early years of the 13th century was 'disputed' archdeacon of Cleveland (Clay 1944-7, 429). Documentary evidence suggests that he intended the foundation on Fishergate to house only a small number of men; a foundation deed refers to 'twelve canons of the order of Sempringham' (Burton 1996, 50).
The foundation of the Gilbertine house occurred between 1195 and 1202, when the site was dedicated. The priory is widely accepted to have occupied a plot of land of 5_ acres, located between the Foss and Fishergate (Tillott 1961, 360), bounded to the south by Blue Bridge Lane, and to the north by the site of the later glassworks (Burton 1996, 60). A length of wall along Blue Bridge Lane has been identified as following the southern boundary of the site, while the northern boundary wall, abutting the glassworks, is recorded as having been in existence in 1864 (Tillott 1961, 360). During works in 'Glass House Field' workmen revealed the 'lower portion of a substantial stone wall which ran parallel to the Foss', presumably the western boundary (Spence n.d., 3). The precinct is depicted on the Ordnance Survey Map of 1852, described as 'Stone Wall Close' (Burton 1996, 60).
The Priory appears to have been a substantial landowner within the city of York, and in areas further afield (Burton 1996, 53f). The initial foundation grant included land adjoining the church, stone houses at St Peter's, meadowland in Bishopthorpe and, amongst other properties, land in Clemethorpe, Goodmanham and Acaster. Many of these would have been previously owned by the church of St Andrews. In an inquisition of 1230, the priory is mentioned fourteen times, and the canons are recorded to have owned land in the parishes of Holy Trinity, St Sampson and St Benet.
Further documentary evidence is concerned with disputes over land (particularly with the incumbents of All Saints' Fishergate), and although this would suggest a degree of wealth, grants were made for the repair of buildings in 1335 because the priory was impoverished (Burton 1996, 60). By the time of the Dissolution, the land comprising the immediate site consisted of the priory itself, with court and gardens extending to 1 acre; 4 acres of pasture land lying near to the priory; and an orchard near 'le castlemylne' (referring to mills on the Foss beneath the castle).
Documentary evidence provides few clues as to the nature of activity undertaken within the priory, and the physical layout of the site (Burton 1996, 61). Remains of the priory buildings themselves, in form of 'foundations, window glass, floor tiles, wall plaster and architectural fragments' were encountered during the excavations of 46-54 Fishergate, and ascribed to Periods 6 and 7 of the site sequence (1195 to the later 16th century) (Kemp and Graves 1996, 72, 97-225). However, the report notes that 'little of the refuse of everyday life such as animal bones, organic debris, pottery and personal objects was found' (Kemp and Graves 1996, 72-3), and it has been suggested that this waste would have been disposed of in the river.
The cemetery associated with the priory was also excavated (Kemp and Stroud 1993). The analysis of the human remains revealed specific areas of burial within the cemetery. To the east and northeast of the priory buildings, a predominantly male population was identified, apparently representing the monastic community. Within the buildings, burials of females, males and children were identified, some of which were found within stone- or tile-lined coffins, and are interpreted as some of the wealthier segments of society (Stroud 1993, 253). Some of the burials appeared to be in family groups, supported by similar skeletal traits (Stroud 1993, 253).
The priory is known to have had a staithe on the Foss (Tillott 1961, 360), and the canons were likely to have used to the Rivers Ouse and Foss for resources and transportation. When the walls near Fishergate were repaired in 1442, stone was brought by boat to the staithe belonging to the priory apud Sanct Andrewelane (Knight 1944, 287; Burton 1996, 57). In April 1497, a net belonging to the prior of St Andrew's was seized and destroyed, on account of it having been used for 'theyr wrong fyshyng' (YCR 132; YCA B8 fo.21), indicating that, albeit illegally, the inmates were using the river as a source of food. In 1516, documentation mentions that Paul Gille was paid 100s as part of mending the 'wattes' on the new jetty on the Ouse, against St Andrew's Green (YCA B9 fo.88).
Although Fishergate House lies outside the precinct, the Blue Bridge Lane site occupies land that would have been within the southern extremes of the Gilbertine property, away from the church and cloisters, and as such, provides a unique view of the wider uses of the precinct. From historical evidence, only glimpses of the nature of activity within this more southern area have been possible. In 1292, following an inquisition ad quod damnum, the prior and canons were granted permission to enclose a lane lying next to the priory wall on the south, and running from Fishergate to the River Ouse, in order that the water might drain from Fishergate into the river (PRO C66/111, m.4; Cal Pat Rolls 1281-1292, 507). This is noted to parallel the enclosure of a lane by St Leonard's hospital, in order to enlarge their precinct (Rees Jones 1987, I, 60). The document was copied and sent in 1502 to the lord mayor of York, as evidence of the prior's claim 'to common grounde called saynt Andrewe grene' (YCA B8 fo.132v). It is assumed that this refers to a predecessor of Blue Bridge Lane.
The Gilbertine Priory is one of a number of religious houses whose assessment is missing from the valor ecclesiasticus of 1535, but other evidence suggests that the foundation was worth £59 5s and 11d (Burton 1996, 63). As such, the site was threatened with suppression as a lesser monastery (Burton 1996, 63). However, the church was saved, albeit temporarily, following an appeal to the King by Robert Holgate, Master of the Order of Sempringham. In 1536, Leland notes the existence of 'a house on chanons Gilbretines by Owse without Fisschargate' (Toulmin-Smith 1907, 55-6; in Burton 1996, 63).
The reprieved was, however, short-lived, and St Andrew's priory was surrendered to the king's commissioners in 1538 by the prior, John Lepington, and three canons (Burton 1996, 63). Following the Dissolution, the buildings were demolished, and wholesale robbing of the complex occurred for building materials, particularly the lead from the roofs and windows (Kemp and Graves 1996, 73). A limekiln was built in the cloister garth using elements of the cloister arcade, while the north range may have remained in use as a stable or store until it was itself robbed of material (Kemp and Graves 1996, 73). The final period of occupation of the west end of the north range is marked by the excavation of rubbish pits dating to the late 16th century (Kemp and Graves 1996, 73).
Immediately following the Dissolution, the site was held in the tenure Richard Goldthorpe, a York haberdasher and future alderman, and in 1545, the land was granted to John Broxholme and John Bellowe. By 1558, at least part of the site appears to have been held by Thomas Goodyear, pewterer and chamberlain of York, who left to his wife Jennet the house he lived in, 'the leas of Andrewes', and his close in Fishergate with the well in it (Skaife 1872, 223n in Burton 1996, 64). Notably, as well is known to have existed within the Blue Bridge Lane site.
In 1552, St Andrew's is mentioned in a letter to the Earl of Shrewsbury, discussing the search for water supplies within the city. The Mayor of York informed the earl that the city had been searched for springs, and that a suitable water source had been found on land 'nigh St Andrews' (YCR 5, 80). Initially, a conduit was laid across the Foss, but was removed in 1554. In 1575, Mistress Goodyere was presented for not scouring 'the watter sewer in St Andres toward Fyshergaite' and a similar presentment was recorded for 1577 'for stoppynge upp a common wattir sewer which shold have passage frome fyshergate thorowe the late dissolved monesterye of St Andrews and so fourth into owse' (Burton 1996, 64-5). In 1818, Hargrove noted a well in the field adjoining the glassworks (Burton 1996, 64-5); this is likely to correspond with a well known to have existed within the Blue Bridge Lane site, and marked on the Ordnance Survey map of 1852 as 'spring well (covered)'. By 1560, the land was back in the hands of Goldthorpe, who had also purchased the monastery at Clementhorpe; in 1599, both sites passed into the hands of two York merchants, Lawrence Wade and George Rosse (Burton 1996, 64).
The church was not parochial, and as such fell into disuse. Much of the land appears to have been open during the subsequent centuries, and utilised for pasture or orchard. The maps of Archer (1680), Horseley (1694), Drake (1736) and Chassereau (1750) show the area outside the walls on the east side of the Foss divided into two or three fields. The site of the priory itself appears to have been divided into a number of large parcels of land. A mortgage of 1739 recites a deed of 1713, by which Thomas Fairfax directed Christopher Jackson of York, wine cooper, and others, to sell Darcy Preston various properties including 'all that site of the late dissolved Priory of Saint Andrew near the city of York, and all that parcell of arable, meadow or pasture ground called the Mudd Close. One close of arable meadow or pasture ground called Saint Andrews and one other parcell of arable meadow or pasture called Shoulder of Mutton in the several tenures or assigns of John Wilson' (YCA Redfearn deeds).
Likewise, in 1765, the property is described as 'all those closes or parcels of land now divided into three closes commonly called Stone Wall Close, Mudd Close and Shoulder of Mutton Close, formerly known by the name of the site of the dissolved priory of St Andrew'. Stone Wall Close is depicted on the Ordnance Survey map of 1852 as that land located between the glassworks and Blue Bridge Lane.
On a prospect from Clifford's Tower, believed to have been drawn by Francis Place in the mid-18th century, the line of Blue Bridge Lane can tentatively be identified running across open land towards the Ouse, towards the junction with what appears to be New Walk. This would have been newly established, and therefore a prominent landscape feature. The prospect shows much of the ground as open and divided into large fields, which would concur with contemporary historic maps. The prospect also appears to depict a possible house-like structure along the postulated line of Blue Bridge Lane, although no reference has been found to a building on this site.
A drawing by Drake (1756) depicts a group of well-to-do individuals strolling on New Walk, with the newly constructed Blue Bridge visible in the background. To the east, the land is shown to rise up in a steep bank, with a single storey building and a substantial wall, with a gateway, shown on its slope. This has been interpreted as the visible remnants of St Andrew's Priory Wall; though the accuracy of the drawing is uncertain (MGA 1999).
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