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Draft Desk Based Assessment ~ Archaeological Background
Study of the prehistoric remains of the area has been dominated somewhat by the henge monuments, although archaeological investigations and aerial photography have gone some way towards elucidating the history of this landscape prior to, and during their construction.
Palaeolithic (c.250,000BC - c.8000BC)
The Palaeolithic period spans the glacial and interglacial periods of the latter part of the last ice age during the late Pleistocene period. Occupation would have been sporadic and seasonal, confined to times of climatic amelioration. There is very little evidence for occupation sites until the Upper Palaeolithic when caves were inhabited, although some open sites have been discovered in southern and eastern England, often during quarrying. It was a hunter/gatherer subsistence using stone implements. Bone and antler implements were used in the latter part of the period.
There is no evidence for human occupation within the landscape study area for this period. However, at Nosterfield , preliminary assessment of a group of column samples from a series of deep solution holes (DBA 41G) near the margins of a former lake has produced an exceptional pollen sediment record for the post-glacial period (Long and Tipping 1998), and a preliminary C14 assay from one of these indicates a sequence dating from the early Holocene through to the Late Iron Age (Tipping 2000).
Further samples of peat taken from the edge of this former lake (DBA 41F) suggest that the lake may have been formed in the early Flandrian Period (at the end of the last glaciation) and worked flint dating to the Neolithic has been recovered from the upper parts of the peat deposit (Berg 1991). It is therefore possible that occupation evidence dating from as early as the Palaeolithic is contained within these deposits.
Mesolithic (c.8000BC - c.4500BC)
The Mesolithic period is characterised by a rise in temperature at the end of the ice age, c.8000BC, which caused a change in climate. The gradual melting of the glaciers resulted in a rise in sea level and led to the separation of Britain from the rest of the continent in the middle of the seventh millennium BC. The rise in temperature allowed deeper soils to form and the open tundra vegetation to be replaced by woodland. This also had an effect on the type of fauna in the landscape. Hunting, gathering and fishing formed the basis of subsistence and stone, bone, antler and wooden implements were in use. Pollen analysis and the archaeological record offers evidence for land management in this period with the clearance of woodland by periodic firing, but evidence from excavations at Star Carr in North Yorkshire (Clark 1954) suggests that settlement sites were still occupied intermittently or seasonally.
Analysis of environmental samples, taken from quarries to the south-east of Ripon (Howard et al. 2000), and during excavation of the Thornborough henges (Thomas 1955; Vatcher 1960), have revealed something of the development of this landscape from the early Holocene through to the Neolithic period.
The sequence of peat and calcareous organic mud, sampled during quarrying adjacent to Ripon racecourse (SE 333 702), has been carbon dated to 9710 +/- 60 BP. Samples yielded pollen and plant macrofossils, Mollusca, Coleoptera and Ostracoda, allowing for a reconstruction of the early Holocene environment of the valley (Howard et al. 2000, 31). Palaeontological evidence from this study indicates that the sediments were deposited in slow moving or stagnant water, surrounded by a marshy, damp grassland (Howard et al. 2000, 31).
Pollen evidence indicates a clear transformation during this period, from an open woodland/scrub environment, attested by the presence of willow and juniper, to greater forestation dominated by increasing numbers of birch and pine. This situation is considered typical of early Holocene environments in the British Isles (Howard et al. 2000, 35). The climate during this period would have not varied much from that today, although it may have been slightly cooler (Howard et al. 2000, 31).
Analysis of the peat samples taken from recent excavations at Nosterfield reflect the findings from Ripon and could further enhance the environmental picture for this area. It is known from preliminary C14 assays that the peat was forming throughout this period and it is possible that evidence for occupation has been sealed within the peat deposits.
Jan Harding’s Vale of York Neolithic Landscape Project included a programme of fieldwalking which covered a large proportion of the detailed assessment area (Figure 4). This project identified some limited evidence for later Mesolithic and Early Neolithic activity in the general area (Harding 1998a, 34-37) but the small quantity of lithic material dating to this period was evenly spread over the area of investigation, and showed no notable concentrations suggestive of occupation sites.
Figure 4. Location of archaeological interventions - in prep
Neolithic (c.4500BC - 2500BC)
The Early Neolithic period, starting in c.4500BC, saw the introduction of agriculture resulting in the clearance of areas of woodland and more permanent settlement. It also saw the introduction of ceramics. Agricultural practice gradually changed from the mixed régime of this early period to a more pastoral economy with some forest regeneration which seems to be associated with a greater emphasis on pig breeding, since pigs are forest dwelling animals. Society was organised in such a way as to allow the construction of great ritual monuments such as the cursus, henges and burial enclosures.
Muir (1997, 30) suggests that the valley slopes would have been 'cloaked in forest’ and many valley floors would have been 'dappled by lakes and marshes’ in this period. Soils samples analysed in the 1950s and 1960s, taken from the ditch fills of the cursus and henge monuments of the Thornborough complex, revealed something of the nature of the environment in the surrounding area at this time. The humus content from the lower backfill of the cursus ditch has been interpreted as indicating forest soils, or 'relatively close woodland under an oceanic climate with plentiful rainfall’ (Thomas 1955, 432).
Again for this period, the peat samples from Nosterfield could be of great importance. Not only can they provide valuable evidence for the environment of the area, but this information can be assessed in relation to archaeological occupation as attested by the finds of flint implements within the peat deposits (Berg 1991).
If Early Neolithic society has traditionally been associated with small-scale farming groups within a roughly egalitarian society, then the later Neolithic period has been characterised by the 'emergence of powerful groups and individuals who were able to mobilise labour and construct large ceremonial complexes’ (Harding 2000, 1-3). Although generalised, it appears that the archaeological evidence from this area of North Yorkshire does fit into these broad trends.
Cursus monuments
The sequence of monument construction in the area is believed to have commenced with the construction of the Thornborough cursus (DBA 1). This structure was identified in aerial photographs taken by J K St Joseph between 1945 and 1958, and its existence was confirmed by Thomas (1955) and Vatcher (1960) as a linear structure, at least 2.3km in length and 44m to 58m wide, aligned approximately NE/SW (Plate 1). At the western end, a convex terminal is identifiable, while the eastern end is open. One photograph (CUCAP XA9) suggests that the monument continues and terminates beneath the modern village of Thornborough, although it might equally be seen as open ended (Harding 1998a, 29).
Plate 1. The Thornborough cursus beneath the central henge
(CUCAP VX10). View larger.
© Crown Copyright/MOD. Reproduced with the permission
of the Controller of Her Majesty's Stationary Office.
Original film held at Cambridge University Collection of Air Photographs.
Recent research into cursus monuments suggests that there is no consistency of size, alignment or construction techniques (McOrmish 2003). In Yorkshire alone, differences can be seen in size and in design, for example at Thornborough (Vatcher 1960) and Rudston 'A’, East Yorkshire (Dymond 1966) the ditch is seen to lie outside the bank and at Scorton (Topping 1982) there is a single low mound along the centre. The excavations at Thornborough produced no datable artefacts, and examination of soil samples led to the suggestion that the cursus was constructed during the Late Neolithic or Early Bronze Age (Vatcher 1960, 179). Excavations of the Scorton cursus, only 21km to the north of Thornborough also produced no datable material and here the soil analysis was unforthcoming, but on comparison with the cursus at Rudston, Topping (1982, 19) also suggests a Late Neolithic or Early Bronze Age date. Harding (1998a, 29) disputes this, drawing on dating evidence from comparative sites and suggesting that the monument is more likely to date to the Early to Middle Neolithic, some point in the fourth millennium BC.
The building of cursus monuments is seen as a move to 'incorporate the leaders of previously autonomous communities into a more formalised arrangement, while also providing a focus for future acts of burial and monument construction’ (Harding 1995, 124). The location of the Thornborough cursus on low-lying ground adjacent to a major river is typical of this type of monument (Harding 1995, 124).
Traditionally, cursuses have been found to incorporate or respect other monuments, such as the Dorset cursus which includes an earlier long barrow in its length (McOrmish 2003, 11) or to be sited in association with other contemporary monuments. Thornborough was thought for a long time to be unique in this respect, as no other early sites were known from the region, but this situation changed with the discovery and excavation of an ovate shaped enclosure towards the eastern end of the cursus (Harding 1998a, 29). This structure, 19m x 16m, was identified as having convex side ditches with flattened terminals, interrupted by two opposing causeways. Breaks in this boundary are seen to indicate that the monument was constructed as a discontinuous series of ditches (Harding 1998a, 29). Parallels for this shape have been found in the ploughed out long barrows and 'long mortuary enclosures’ of the Early Neolithic, and excavation here supports identification of the monument as an open enclosure (Harding 1998a, 29). Whilst no finds were recovered to date the monument, its alignment with a small elongated feature and a possible ploughed out round barrow in a line orientated east-west towards what may be the open terminal of the cursus (although the aerial photograph CUCAP XA9 suggests that the cursus continues), has been interpreted as supporting their contemporaneity and association, and so an Early Neolithic date. As finds are usually scarce on such sites, the lack of material culture identified during excavation was thought to support this interpretation.
During quarrying in 1958, a stone cist containing a crouched inhumation burial was identified on the central line of the cursus (Vatcher 1960, 181-2). No associated artefacts were recovered and the bones were removed and given to the Yorkshire Museum. This burial seems unlikely to be contemporary, but may demonstrate the continuing importance of these monuments in later periods, as it is known from many examples that cursus monuments provided a focus for later burial.
A number of other features recognised from aerial photography have tentatively been interpreted as cursus monuments although without further archaeological intervention this cannot be proved. One feature (DBA 51) is shown as a 'possible cursus’ on a map by Harding in his publication of recent fieldwork (Harding 1998a, 22, fig.2) and is also plotted on the aerial photography maps in the North Yorkshire SMR, although no other reference to it came to light during this study. Situated immediately to the northeast of the northern henge, it is thought to be at least 45m wide and to run NW/SE for at least 190m with a terminal at its northern end. It is possible that this cropmark reflects a previous field boundary, since the alignment of the feature is the same as the field boundaries shown on the 1856 OS map. However, it is not coincident with any one of these, and the Enclosure maps (1799, NYCRO: QDD(1) 42) suggest that this particular area formed Tanfield Common and was not divided into strip-fields. The interpretation of this feature, therefore, remains uncertain.
Another feature (DBA 63) labelled as a cursus in the North Yorkshire SMR records (NYM 19912) lies just outside the study area to the northwest of the village of Wath. This comprises two parallel lines, c.21m apart, running in a perfectly straight line for at least a distance of 1.4km in a NE/SW direction. Although there are examples of cursus monuments as narrow as 11m, the average width is c.54m (Topping 1982, 14) and this feature looks much more regular than most known examples. Documentary and cartographic sources did not reveal any information to aid the interpretation of this feature.
On Hutton Moor, another cropmark has been identified as a possible cursus on the SMR records (DBA 74), although again it has not been tested by archaeological intervention. This runs for a short distance in a NE/SW alignment and is positioned midway between the henges of Hutton Moor and Cana Barn. Since the general study of these monuments shows that the majority occupy low-lying positions alongside or across streams, between two rivers or, in particular, at the confluence of rivers, this site would appear to be ideal for such a monument. Harding suggests that this cropmark may represent a long mortuary enclosure (Harding 1997b, 290), but whichever interpretation eventually proves correct, it is likely that it was the landscape that was considered to be of ritual significance and that the monuments were constructed to mark this significance.
Henge monuments
The subsequent phase of monument construction within the landscape is represented by six henge monuments. Three at Thornborough are aligned on a NW/SE axis, leading south from Nosterfield village: Thornborough North (DBA 2, SE 2805 8005), Thornborough Central (DBA 3, SE 2852 7947) and Thornborough South (DBA 4, SE 2893 7885). To the southeast towards the confluence of the Rivers Swale and Ure, are a further three henges, Nunwick (DBA 75, SE 3229 7484), Hutton Moor (DBA 76, SE 3525 7353) and Cana Barn (DBA 77, SE 3609 7185). In 1969, Burl outlined classification and regional groups of henge monuments, building on earlier work undertaken by Atkinson and Piggott (Burl 1969). The main division of monuments has been according to the number of entrances, Class I having a single entrance, and Class II having two. A further sub-type, Class IIA, was identified, to include those with a large bank surrounded by two concentric ditches, and it is into this group that the monuments of Thornborough, together with Hutton Moor and Cana Barn, can be placed. They form the core of this henge-type which seems to be almost entirely confined to North Yorkshire, with a single outlier at Dorchester Big Rings in Oxfordshire.
Harding (1991; 1995; 1997; 1998) has identified the need to appreciate the regional variations that occur within these monument types, rather than assuming that a cultural homogeneity existed throughout the country. In the past there has been a tendency to draw on results from work in the Wessex chalklands, and Harding believes that this oversimplifies the wider picture, and does not allow for regional individuality. Rather, he calls for a fully contextual landscape-based approach to these studies, so that social trajectories unique to specific regions can be recognised and interpreted before being placed into the wider picture.
The henge monuments of Class IIA are distinguished not only by their form, but also their size. The Thornborough henges measure some 240m across, placed at 550m intervals, so the complex spans a distance of over 1.3km across the landscape. Significantly, if the alignment of the Thornborough henges is extended 5.6km to the southeast, it appears to incorporate another henge monument at Nunwick, which, although classified as a Class I henge, might still have some significance as part of a wider monument complex. These four monuments are all constructed on the gravel terraces of the Ure. The other two Class IIA henges on Hutton Moor are sited on glacial till on a slightly different axis. They differ in size, Hutton Moor henge has a diameter of c.240m and Cana Barn c.172m, and they are 1.7km apart.
Thornborough Central henge is placed directly over the cursus (DBA 1). Although evidence from excavation suggests that the ditches of the cursus would have been fully silted up and grassed over by this time, it is clear that the landscape must have retained its previous ritual significance. Burl (1969) believes this juxtaposition to have been a coincidence, but the general consensus is that those who controlled labour and instigated the construction of the henge monuments would have been drawing on the significance of the cursus as a powerful and visible monument within the landscape. 'When these henges were built, they must have assumed the ritual and ceremonial prestige previously represented by the cursus’ (Muir 1997). Harding (1997b, 290) states that 'the significance of the cursus is effectively exploited and channelled into the inner area of the later monument.’ Although this arrangement is unique, the association of the Cana Barn and Hutton Moor henges with a 'long mortuary enclosure’, may reflect similar relationships (Harding 1997b, 290).
Of the six henges sited within the landscape study area, four have been the subject of small-scale excavations. Trenches at Hutton Moor (Raistrick 1929) and Thornborough North (Thomas 1955) served only to give an idea of the ditch dimensions, but more detailed excavations have been undertaken at Nunwick (Dymond 1964) and Thornborough Central (Thomas 1955; Harding 1998a).
On the basis of its lesser size and complexity, Dymond (1964,101) suggests that Nunwick could be the earliest of the six, and the fact that there are no later burial monuments sited around it may mean that ritual focus had moved to the other henges by the Bronze Age. Although Nunwick is geographically aligned with the Thornborough henges, the orientation of its entrances brackets it with those on Hutton Moor. Excavations by Thomas in 1952 at Thornborough Central revealed that the central ditch would have been covered with white gypsum, extracted from a site a few miles away, on the banks of the Ure (Muir 1997, 41). There have been suggestions that this was designed to emulate the monuments constructed on the white chalklands in the southwest of the country, and while this remains speculative, there is no doubt that these monuments would have been impressive and highly visible within the surrounding landscape.
Further excavation of this henge by Harding (1998a) has identified several phases in its construction, and a chronological timescale for the developments is suggested. The first phase is represented by the segmented outer ditches of the surviving monument. Shallow, U-shaped quarry ditches, some 2.4m in width, were excavated, and an external bank constructed using the upcast, with a berm identified between the two features. Further phases of the development of this monument were identified, including a narrower recutting of the ditch after silting, and the construction of a possible wattle fence around the inside perimeter of the bank. The segmentary construction of these outer ditches has been compared to that of the perimeters of the causewayed enclosures identified elsewhere during the Middle Neolithic.
The second phase identified by Harding (1998a) involved the construction of the larger, and more imposing inner ditch and bank. Excavation has revealed the inner ditch of the central henge to measure 17.7m in width, and up to 2.1m in depth, with similar dimensions shown at the other henges. The banks would have been of similarly impressive dimensions, measuring as much as 18m wide, and presumably reaching a considerable height. Evidence of deliberate levelling of the outer boundary of the monument is suggested to have belonged to this second phase of construction (Harding 1998a).
Associated finds may also support the distinction between the two phases of construction. The outer ditch fill produced exclusively chert flakes, although the assemblage was extremely small and was clearly the result of a single knapping event, while the inner ditch produced only flint artefacts. If Harding sees the choice of material as an indication of phase, then the assemblages from Nosterfield suggest a spatial rather than chronological difference. Here it seems that chert implements are associated with features (DBA 41H) on one side of a pit alignment (DBA 41B), and flint from pit groups on the other side (DBA 41E). Pending further analysis of the assemblage, Griffiths (pers. comm) suggests that the difference may represent different groups of people coming in to the area, either to meet at, or to aid in the construction of, the monuments.
As has been mentioned above, cursus monuments and henges are often found to have been associated with river sites, and this has been seen as a particularly significant factor in the placement of such monuments within the landscape. In this case, it seems that the confluence of the Rivers Ure and Swale was of particular importance to local populations, and was selected for the establishment of large scale monuments. The Thornborough henges, with Nunwick, have been seen as roughly following the somewhat meandering course of the River Ure, while the Cana and Hutton Moor monuments occupy higher land between the two rivers. There is some indication that the name of the River Ure, or 'Yore’ is derived from a Celtic word isura, meaning 'holy’ (Ekwall 1960; Muir 1997, 62), although this need not be directly associated with the monument complexes and could have been allocated retrospectively.
Pit Alignments
Pit alignments form a varied and poorly understood group of features dispersed within the landscape. A study based in Lincolnshire has identified excavated examples dating from the Neolithic to the Roman period and generally interpreted as land boundaries (Boutwood 1998). However, the frequent association of these features with ritual monuments suggests a variety of functions. Within the landscape study area of this assessment, several pit alignments have been recognised by aerial photography or discovered during excavation.
In the detailed study area, one pit alignment, identified by aerial photography following the drought of 1976 (St Joseph 1977), is shown to be spatially associated with the Thornborough henge monuments (DBA 5). Comprising two rows of pits, the monument is aligned on a NE/SW axis, and is seen to stretch for some 350m. This avenue has a number of gaps in its length and at its northern end are two groups of nine closely set parallel trenches and two separate pits after a gap of some 80m (Plate 2).
Plate 2. Southern henge & pit alignment (CUCAP RU60).
View Larger.
© Crown Copyright/MOD. Reproduced with the permission
of the Controller of Her Majesty's Stationary Office.
Original film held at Cambridge University Collection of Air Photographs.
Excavation of the alignment was undertaken in 1994-5, revealing oval pits measuring some 1.5m to 2.3m across, and 0.6m to 0.9m in depth, containing homogenous fills and packing stones. The pits are believed to have held substantial timber posts, comparable to similar findings in the Milfield Basin, Northumberland (Harding 1981).
The pit alignment was initially thought to post-date the henge monuments, as the northern end of the alignment respects the causeway that runs through the axis of the henges. This was further supported by the alignment of two Bronze Age barrows with either end of the avenue (DBA 6, DBA 7). However, the pit alignment also respects the outer ditch of the central henge, suggested to have been infilled in the same phase of building as the construction of the inner ditch and bank. It has been suggested, therefore, that the pit alignment and henges were at least partly contemporary, although more accurate dating evidence would be required to substantiate this.
Shallow re-cuts identified during excavation of the pits have been interpreted as representing the deliberate disuse of the monument, as the timbers were forcibly removed before they rotted in situ. Worked flints discovered in the bottom of one of these re-cuts are seen to have been similar to those discovered in association with the causeway over the inner ditch, suggesting that the disuse, or 'ritual killing’ of the timber avenue might have belonged to the same phase as the remodelling of the henge monuments (Harding 1998a, 32-4).
Ongoing excavations at Nosterfield (DBA 41) have revealed evidence for a further six pit alignments of which only three partially showed on aerial photographs (Roe, ongoing watching brief). These represent four different types, although none presented evidence for posts and all must have eroded fairly quickly in the gravel.
One of these can be seen as a continuous line on photograph ANY160/18 (SE 2806 8100), but on excavation proved to be a ditch c.2m wide and 1.20m deep running SSE/NWW and turning into a pit alignment as it turned towards the north with sub-rectangular pits, c.2.60m x 1.30m x 0.50m deep, spaced c.0.50m apart (DBA 41A). Another alignment at SE 2850 8043 comprised sub-circular pits up to 0.80m in diameter and c.0.30m deep spaced c.1m apart and aligned NNE/SSW, turning to the NNW at the northern end (DBA 41B). Pottery and flint from these and associated pit groups spans the Neolithic period and the nature of the alignments suggest that they may have been land divisions rather than having any ritual function.
The third type was seen in a double avenue running NW/SE on the line of the axis of the henges at SE 2755 8060 (DBA 41C). Each line comprised at least nine large circular pits, eroded to 1.80m in diameter at the top, and up to 1.80m deep, spaced c.10m apart. None of the pits showed evidence for posts and would probably have been excavated as deep narrow shafts c.0.80m in diameter which eroded fairly rapidly around the surface before gradually silting up with organically rich deposits. Column samples of these organic deposits were taken in order to achieve an array of C14 dates.
The fourth type (DBA 41D) was seen in two almost parallel alignments orientated NW-SE, comprising elongated sub-rectangular pits c.1.8m x 1.20m x 1.0m deep, spaced c.0.80m apart. The alignments were 305m-350m apart and could be traced for a distance of at least 340m. One of these alignments cut the quarry ditch of a barrow, and one of the pits contained a secondary unfurnished inhumation, as yet undated, deposited in the partially silted up pit. The continuation of these alignments outside the excavation area can be seen to the east on ANY117/18 and to the west on ANY117/19 (DBA 40).
Although dating and post-excavation analysis of these pit alignments has yet to be undertaken, it is probable that they do not all belong to the same period and do not all serve the same function.
Other possible pit alignments have been recognised from aerial photography but have not been tested by archaeological intervention. To the northeast of the northern henge at SE 2851 8026 is a double avenue of pits running NE-SW, visible for a length of 76m on ANY91/07. The lines are c.6.5m apart and seem to be cut by a ringditch (DBA 50). Another double alignment can be seen in the area between Thornborough village and Upsland Farm where a large number of cropmarks and earthworks are visible, particularly on DNR540/23 (DBA 46). If the double alignment is archaeological, it comprises pits c.4m in diameter in rows c.4.5m apart running in a NW/SE direction for a distance of at least 68m. To the north of this are two lengths of a single alignment, or two separate single alignments, comprising very closely spaced circular pits c.2m in diameter. To the east of these there is a slightly meandering feature which appears to be a ditch or water course associated with a spring, but running parallel with it for a short distance is a line of pits. These may constitute a prehistoric feature or may represent a more recent fence line.
With its southern end at a distance of c.660m to the north of the Hutton Moor henge, another pit alignment (DBA 82) has been traced by aerial photography running in a NE/SW direction for over a kilometre, and its alignment is reflected in other linear cropmarks to the east of the henge.
To the east of the Medieval village of East Tanfield, is a clearly visible line of closely spaced oval or sub-rectangular pits (DNR983/11). Each pit is approximately 3m long x 1.5m wide and the alignment can be traced for a distance of c.400m in a WSW/ENE direction (DBA 64).
Other less certain features include a line of five circular pits 2.5m-3.7m in diameter, 3-5m apart, running in a SW/NE direction at SE 2715 8096 (DBA 39). These may be archaeological or may represent natural solution holes such as those also excavated at Nosterfield . These alignments of solution holes can occur along fault lines in the underlying limestone although rarely more than three or four in a line (Dr Stephen Carter pers.comm.). On the western edge of the study area at SE 2711 7983, a clear alignment of pits running -S can be seen on CUCAP RG22. However, given that it aligns perfectly with a previous field boundary to the north, it is most likely to represent a recent fence line (DBA 53).
On the A1 at Dishforth, a previously unknown pit alignment (DBA 81) was excavated in advance of a road widening scheme (Tavener 1996). This alignment comprised two rows at least 50m long, orientated east-west, 2.70m apart at the western end and 1.80m apart at the eastern end. The pits were seen to have held posts 1.20m - 1.40m apart. The southern line comprised large sockets up to 1.80m in depth, 1.40m in diameter, with posts ranging from 0.30m - 0.75m in diameter. The northern line was smaller with a maximum depth of 1.15m, 0.65m-1.40m in diameter, with posts 0.40m in diameter. Although only a single flint was recovered from the excavation, C14 analysis confirmed a Neolithic date for the alignment.
Settlement
The increased organisation of the landscape demonstrated by the construction and later remodelling of the henge monuments is also reflected in the findings of Harding’s fieldwalking programme in the Thornborough area. Results of surface collection have been used to suggest a change in the distribution of artefacts dating to the Early and Middle Neolithic, which would indicate a separation of domestic activity and the more specialised activities carried out at the henges. A decline in the chert and flint artefacts found in the immediate vicinity of the henge complex corresponded with increased clustering of finds at distances of over 600m away. For the later Neolithic, increasing numbers of finds showed this same distribution suggesting an increase in activity, possibly associated with the remodelling of the henges.
Harding (1998a, 37) has interpreted this as representing a consistent structuring of activity within the landscape over a long period of time, reflected in a separation of domestic and ritual activity, or of the 'sacred’ and the 'profane’. Harding notes that there is a high concentration of knapping debris but a marked absence of cores in the flint assemblages from fieldwalking (Harding 1997c) and suggests that this may be evidence of temporary settlement of a mobile population, who possibly moved into the area to converge at the monument complex rather than establishing permanent settlements. He sees a notable correlation between the largest concentration of finds (DBA 67), and the only point in the surrounding landscape from which the henges cannot be seen, the low ridge of Chapel Hill, suggesting further that the different spheres of behaviour were consciously separated (Harding 1998a, 37). The surface find of a prehistoric stone axe (DBA 66) was also recovered from this area to the east of Chapel Hill.
At Nosterfield the lithic assemblages from both the excavations (Rowe 1998) and the fieldwalking (Harding 1997c) included a fairly high percentage of scraping tools, suggesting that domestic processing was carried out on the site, but here too there was a marked absence of cores and the highest concentration was of waste flakes and chippings indicative of secondary knapping and trimming. Three Neolithic axes have also been found on this site, two from the excavations and one from the surface (DBA 65). The ceramic assemblages recovered from pit groups (DBA 41E and 41I) at Nosterfield give an indication of settlement throughout the Neolithic period. All the wares are made from materials available within 16-19km of Nosterfield and there is very little mixing of the pottery types within individual pits suggesting that although the area showed a continuity of occupation, the pits were not open for very long. The assemblages include Grimston ware of the Early Neolithic period, Peterborough ware (mostly the later Fengate style but occasional sherds of earlier Mortlake style), and Late Neolithic Grooved ware of both Woodlands and Durrington Walls style (Vyner 1998).
Again the possible separation of ritual and domestic activity is reflected in the spatial organisation of structures seen on this site where the majority of the excavated lithic and ceramic assemblages comes from scattered pit groups towards the eastern part of the site. The western part of the site, however, notably the area on the alignment of the Thornborough henges, presented a barrow, pit alignments and burials, and the only evidence for domestic occupation comes from Harding’s fieldwalking programme (DBA 69).
Around Hutton Moor, there has been very little fieldwork undertaken, but recent excavations by Northern Archaeological Associates along the line of the A1 near Dishforth (Greg Speed pers. comm.) and at Marton-le-Moor (Tavener 1996) have produced evidence for settlement to the southeast of the henges. A number of pit groups have produced evidence for domestic activity throughout the Neolithic period with pottery assemblages almost identical to those recovered from Nosterfield. Here there was also evidence for localised production of emmer wheat and the cultivation or exploitation of a variety of fruits and nuts. Tavener suggests that the soils of Hutton Moor and Marton-le-Moor were high quality brown forest soils which would not normally be left as common pasture land, as the names and later Post-Medieval documents imply, and the reason for this may have been that the land became impoverished in the Early Bronze Age and did not regenerate until Post-Medieval farming practices could improve it . The lack of surface drainage may also have been a problem.
Bronze Age (2500BC - 700BC)
The Bronze Age is characterised by the first use of copper and bronze and is divided into the Earlier Bronze Age, 2500 - 1200BC and the Later Bronze Age, 1200-700BC. The early period includes the Beaker culture whose people are thought to have been nomadic and pastoral since so few settlement sites have been found, although there is evidence for a more settled economy from finds associated with grain processing. This culture, dating from c.2300BC, is represented by pottery, burials and some settlement sites. The Bronze Age also includes the Wessex culture, from c.1400BC, represented by burials accompanied by rich grave goods and the Deverel-Rimbury culture, dating from c.1400BC, mainly represented by burials accompanied with Deverel-Rimbury pottery and some settlement sites.
In the Early Bronze Age the damp woodland gave way to dry warm conditions with more open country as attested in the study area by soil analysis of deposits excavated from the ditches of the central Thornborough henge (Thomas 1955, 433). In the Later Bronze Age there was again a deterioration in the climate which continued into the Iron Age, and which resulted in a settlement shift from the uplands to the more hospitable lowland areas. It is suggested, therefore, that by the latter part of the Bronze Age these areas would have been densely populated (Muir 1997, 46) and there is evidence for intensive agricultural activity throughout the period.
The majority of archaeological evidence for this period comes from the different types of burial site represented in the landscape study area, although there is some limited evidence for settlement. This evidence comes from the excavated pit groups at Nosterfield and Marton-le-Moor which include pottery dating to the Beaker period suggesting that occupation continued on both these sites into the Early Bronze Age.
Society in the Bronze Age has been traditionally characterised by a shift from communal power structures to those that focus on individual status and power, and superficially this would appear to fit with the monuments within the study area, believed to date from this period (Harding 2000, 4). Although they have not yet been subjected to the same modern levels of investigation, the numerous Bronze Age barrows distributed around the monument complexes of the Vale of Mowbray would seem to indicate that a continued ideological significance was attached to this landscape during later centuries. This area includes the greatest concentration of surviving round barrows in the lowlands of central Yorkshire.
The majority of the known and potential barrows are sited around the earlier monuments, but there are also a few outlying sites. Of these, Quernhow barrow (DBA 108) on the A1 was excavated in 1949 (Waterman 1951) and was found to be a composite structure with two phases of construction both associated with cremation burials accompanied by food vessels. Another barrow at Stapley Hill near Kirklington (DBA 106) was excavated in 1903 (Manby 1971,175) and contained a crouched inhumation burial with a food vessel on the original ground surface and two secondary urned cremations in the upper part of the tumulus. A group of three barrows in a line orientated NW/SE were excavated by the Reverend W.C. Lukis in 1864 (Lukis 1870a) on Melmerby Common to the east of Hallikeld House (DBA 100, 101, 102). All three contained cremation burials, one urned and one with an accompanying pygmy cup (Manby 1971, 177).
An extensive cemetery is seen to occupy the area around the henges of Hutton Moor as attested by numerous tumuli and cropmarks of ring ditches thought to represent ploughed out barrows. These barrows all seem to be deliberately located in areas above the 50m contour, some constructed on individual high points, but their distribution appears to be biased towards the Hutton Moor henge. Here, a group of three known (DBA 87, 90, 105) and three potential barrows to the north of it around Burtree Hill on Rainton Common, and twelve known and twelve potential barrows around it to the south have been identified, whereas there is only one known barrow near the Cana Barn henge (DBA 107). This distribution suggests that the focus of ritual significance may have shifted to the Hutton Moor henge, possibly the later one, in the Bronze Age, just as the lack of barrows in the vicinity of the Nunwick henge led Dymond (1964,101) to suggest it was no longer of ritual importance in this period.
It is known that Lukis excavated several of the many barrows on Hutton Moor but there is no clear record of these. However, one of them is assumed to have been the Burtree Hill barrow (DBA 87) since several flint implements from his collection in the British Museum are said to have come from a 'barrow west of Sixpenny Hill, Parish of Sharow’. The only other excavated barrow on Hutton Moor to have been documented is one to the east of Blois Hall Farm (DBA 88) which was opened by a group of antiquarians in 1846. Although they found traces of charcoal and evidence for burning beneath a small cairn of cobbles, no burial was recognised (Manby 1971, 178).
In the western part of the study area, in the vicinity of the Thornborough henges, at least ten barrows are known, and several others are suggested by aerial photography. Four of these were subject to excavation in the 1860s (Lukis 1870a).
Of those suggested by aerial photography, one is sited at the southern end of the pit alignment to the west of the southern henge (DBA 6 at SE 2863 7872) and one is cutting, or cut by, the pit alignment to the northeast of the northern henge (SE 2851 8027) showing on ANY91/07 (DBA 50).
Other possible barrows or ring ditches include one to the west of the ovate enclosure excavated by Harding (DBA 48) at SE 2918 7954 although this was not clear enough to be accurately plotted on the map, one to the northeast of Honey Hill at SE 2710 7985 seen on ANY163/03 (DBA 53), one or two which may be ring ditches associated with a field system immediately to the east of this seen on CUCAP RG22 (DBA 52), one to the west of Rushwood Hall at SE 2930 7823 seen on ANY163/07 (DBA 59), one to the east of Thornborough village at SE 2958 7967 seen on OS/73199/102 and marked on the OS maps (DBA 29), and possible ring ditches to the east of this seen on DNR540/23 (DBA 46).
Of those excavated by Lukis, the first, known as Centre Hill (DBA 7), lies between the southern and central Thornborough henges, and in 1870 is reported to have measured approximately 60 feet (18.2m) in diameter and 3 feet and 6 inches (1m) in height. At a depth of 5 feet (1.5m) from the apex of the mound, an inhumation burial was located, although in seemingly poor condition. Often quoted to have been in a log coffin, it seems that the evidence for the form of the coffin in which the body was placed had been 'reduced to dust’, and although 'probably the hollowed trunk of a tree’, is not conclusive (Lukis 1870a, 119). A 'rudely ornamented jar’ of coarse earthenware (Plate 3) was found interred close to the burial, with a chipped flint implement. Lukis (1870a, 119) described the pit that had been dug to contain the burial as 'lined with coarse concrete.’ This has been interpreted by modern scholars as having been a gypsum lining, and with the substance having been found within the banks of the central henge, and a known local source nearby, this does not seem improbable.
A series of three barrows is located in a field to the north of the central henge, oriented SW/NE, giving 'Three Hills Field’ its name. Only one of these is located on modern Ordnance Survey maps (SE 285 802), and the remains of the other two have been largely ploughed out, although they can be seen as cropmarks and remain part of the Scheduled Monument. One of the mounds (DBA10) contained only a scatter of cremated human bone, whilst the others revealed more complex structural evidence. The most northerly of the barrows (DBA 8), excavated by Reverend Lukis in the 1860s was said to have been diminished by the plough even at this time. At a depth of 6 inches (0.15m) from the 'apex’ a coarse jar was located, lying on its side and filled with calcined bones (Lukis 1870a, 119). With these bones were finds of flint, some of which had been exposed to heat, and a second jar was located close to the first. Beneath these, a layer of compacted clay sealed a circular pit, some 18 inches (0.45m) in diameter and 1 foot (0.30m) in depth, lined with clay which had been 'burnt to a red colour’ and filled with charcoal and calcined bones. Excavation of the central tumulus (DBA 9) revealed similar results. Lukis (1870a, 119) suggests that these pits would have been the location of the cremation itself, accounting for their small size by suggesting that the deceased would be 'denuded of flesh’ and only the bones burnt, although this remains highly speculative.
Plate 3 Urn from Centre Hill barrow (Lukis
1870)
Reproduced with the permission of the Yorkshire Archaeological Society
Muir (1997, 50) notes that although superficially similar, the ritual deposits within Bronze Age burials differs markedly, and this is represented even in this small sample. He states that it becomes difficult to see a 'single codified Bronze Age religion in Yorkshire’ and suggests that local élites would have adopted the 'Beaker package of beliefs and ritual and then developed their own variations of the themes until the original features of the religion were almost unrecognisable’ (Muir 1997, 51). The differences, even within a sample of three burials, is notable, but without more secure dating evidence recovered using modern techniques, little can be concluded about their significance.
At Nosterfield (DBA 41) further evidence for differing burial rituals has come to light during the ongoing excavations. A barrow comprising a continuous ring ditch, 17m in diameter, with a single unurned cremation within its circle was excavated at SE 2740 8067. To the northeast of this was a scatter of ten cremation burials, apparently grouped along the length of a ditch (SE 2763 8085). Four of these were contained within inverted urns (Plate 4) which have been dated to the Middle Bronze Age (Blaise Vyner, pers.comm.).
Plate 4. Bronze Age cremation at Nosterfield
Evidence from the North York Moors has suggested that barrows were constructed in small areas cleared in woodland, and Muir (1997, 47-8) has suggested that the same might have been true of other areas. Unless an intermediate period of regeneration in this area can be supported, it seems more likely that the barrows in this sample were constructed in land already cleared prior to the construction of the henges and associated monuments.
It has been suggested that, building on the constructions of the Neolithic, this was a period during which the 'framework of the countryside was established,’ and there are suggestions that barrows would have functioned to demarcate the boundaries of estates (Muir 1997, 47). Some of those within the landscape study area are arranged in rows, such as the three excavated by Lukis on Melmerby Common, and other types of land division, such as pit alignments and ditches, may possibly belong to this period. It seems, however, that further work is required to assess the validity of this hypothesis.
Iron Age (700BC - AD43)
The Iron Age in Britain is traditionally dated from c.700BC, ending with the Roman invasion in AD43. There is no clear division between the Bronze Age and Iron Age in Yorkshire and as the deterioration of the climate continued so did the trends of more intensified farming and settlement in the lowland areas. This led to competition for land and resulted in the eruption of fortifications and a warrior aristocracy (Muir 1997, 58). Yorkshire was divided into the territories of the Parisi in the east and the Brigantes on the more rugged terrain of the Pennines.
There is a notable lack of evidence for Iron Age occupation in the area of this study and it is possible that sites of this period have not yet been discovered, and that a detailed study of aerial photographs in conjunction with further excavation and survey could eventually produce some evidence. However, despite the extensive settlement patterns of East Yorkshire and in other areas of North Yorkshire, particularly on gravel terraces such as at Scorton (Copp 1997) and Catterick racecourse (Moloney 1996) there is a suggestion that this area between the Rivers Swale and Ure was not settled in this period. Even sites such as the Roman fort with its associated vicus at Healam Bridge (Jones 1994) did not produce evidence for an Iron Age foundation, when there are numerous instances of forts being sited on earlier existing settlements in Yorkshire, such as at Hayton, Malton and Brough-on-Humber (Jones 1994, 26). Recent excavations along the A1 between Boroughbridge and Dishforth and near to the henges of Cana Barn and Hutton Moor, also showed a complete lack of occupation after the Bronze Age (pers. comm. Greg Speed).In his report on excavations on the A1 at Marton-le-Moor, Tavener (1996) suggests that this haitus might be due to the fact that the soils were exhausted by agriculture by the Bronze Age and did not recover until Post-Medieval techniques allowed it to recover. However, it may be that some ritual significance was still attached to the areas of the Neolithic monuments and the Bronze Age cemeteries even into the Iron Age.
Roman Period (AD43 - AD409)
The Roman invasion of Yorkshire took place in AD69 and although there was continued unrest among the Brigantes, it is clear from the majority of sites and finds that the area was well settled by the end of the second century. The area of this study is characterised by Dere Street to the east with intermittent forts along its route, and by estate centres or country villas dispersed across the landscape. The Roman occupation had a significant impact on the landscape and economy of Britain with the imposition of extensive trade networks, road networks and the common use of coinage. Evidence from other areas suggests that there followed a large scale reorganisation of the countryside often involving the imposition of new field systems over existing Iron Age fields, as the increased populations in the towns required greater resources.
The most obvious Roman monument in the area is represented by the A1, which runs the course of Dere Street, and would have provided communication and trade links beyond the immediate area. The Roman road surface was contacted at Healam Bridge in 1949 (YAJ 37 1951, 522-3) and at Baldersby Gate Cross Roads in 1939 (DBA 169, YAJ 35 1943, 97-9). No other roads or tracks have been discovered in the area with the exception of a hollow way to the east of Wath which is thought to date from this period (DBA 172).
On the stretch of Dere Street between the known forts of Aldborough and Catterick was a further fort at Healam Bridge (Jones 1994). This fort (DBA 165) was dated by pottery to the Hadrianic/Antonine period with some activity in the 3rd century continuing into the 4th century. It had an associated vicus which was probably established soon after the construction of the fort although it had spread over it by the 4th century. A single burial from the excavations may form part of a cemetery as suggested by geophysical survey, and by a local source which mentions the presence of burials in stone coffins to the north of the fort (Jones 1994, 25). The landscape to the west of the Roman road appears to have been dispersed with isolated estate centres or villas, which probably controlled areas of agricultural land.
A suggested villa complex located at Well (Gilyard-Beer 1951), less than a kilometre to the northwest of Nosterfield, has produced evidence for a bath house (DBA 173), with such attributes as a tessellated pavement, dated to 160-190 AD (Smith 1969, 78), suggesting that the residents would have been of reasonably high status, and so are likely to have had some control over surrounding agricultural resources. Fragments of building material, including mosaic pavement, have been found at Langwith House (DBA 174) in secondary deposits and are assumed to have come from this villa to be used as hardcore (YAJ 36 1936, 250). A kiln or dryer (Plate 5) dated by magnetic dating to the first half of the second century was found during ongoing excavations at Nosterfield (DBA 42), as well as scatters of residual Roman pottery thought to relate to ploughing activity in the same area. It is possible that these were associated with the Well villa estate.
At Castle Dikes (DBA 170), three kilometres to the south, a sub-rectangular earthwork surrounds another villa site (Berry 1953), demonstrating still further activity in the region, although in this case there is no evidence for agriculture. This was a bipartite villa with no corridor, probably dating from the early 2nd century, with mosaic floors and fine painted plaster (Liversidge 1969,141;148).
Plate 5. Roman kiln/dryer excavated at Nosterfield
further information...
Other isolated Roman finds from this area include a bathing well to the southwest of Wath which is thought to have been in use from the Roman period although only a small pond now remains (DBA 171). At Yamagarth, north of Kirklington village, a burial with associated white ware (DBA 161) was found near Lady Well (YAJ 39 1958, 334), although there were few other signs of occupation apart from a bronze brooch of late 1st to early 2nd century date (YAJ 37 1951, 523) which came to light during gravel working at the same site (DBA 162). The only other evidence for Roman occupation in the study area came from the excavation of the southern Thornborough henge where a first century Roman brooch was found in situ in the half silted up inner ditch (Harding 1998a, 32).
The Early Medieval Period (AD409 - AD1066)
By the start of the 5th century the Roman Empire was in decline and Britain became independent in AD409. However, after such a long period of Roman control, the British were unable to sustain the economy which had relied upon the trade routes and administration of the empire and the country slid into disorder. It is also suggested that the land itself was exhausted from overproduction during the Roman period (Muir 1997, 87).
This period is often known as the Anglo-Saxon period after the Germanic peoples who migrated into the country in the early to mid-5th century, first as raiders and subsequently as settlers. These early settlers were originally divided into tribal groups but gradually the four kingdoms of Wessex, Mercia, East Anglia and Northumbria emerged.
Northumbria was formed from the merging of two kingdoms already established in the mid-6th century, Bernicia, centred at Bamburgh and Deira in the East Riding of Yorkshire. At the end of the 6th century Celtic legend tells of a great Saxon victory at Catterick and the last British king to reign in Yorkshire was expelled in 617. It is unclear how far Christianity was practised in Yorkshire in the Roman period but in 627 Northumbria re-entered the Christian world under King Edwin.
However, in 793, the Vikings attacked the church and community of Lindisfarne and throughout the 9th century there were continued attacks on churches and monasteries. In 866, York was captured by the Danish army and for almost a century the Danes kept control of Northumbrian lands.
It would appear that during the Late Saxon and Viking Periods in Yorkshire, there was a general reorganisation of the rural estates with the land being divided into pasture, meadow, common or waste (which included woodland or heath) and communally worked ploughland in strips distributed among large open fields (Muir 1997, 122).
Finds dating to the Early Medieval period in the landscape study area indicate that this area was the focus of burial, later ecclesiastical activity and possibly settlement. Three areas are seen to be the foci for Early Medieval finds within this landscape, near Carthorpe to the north, to the south at Wath and to the west around Magdalen Field.
In the 1870s, Reverend Lukis excavated burials at How Hill, near Carthorpe, to the northeast of Nosterfield (DBA 178). The name How Hill is given to a natural gravel mound, some 140m long, 45m wide and 7m high, 'somewhat of the form of a large long barrow’ (Lukis 1870b, 175). Lukis located and excavated four inhumation burials, one of which had been truncated by the gravel quarrying that had begun to affect the landscape in the area. The truncated skeleton was found to have been buried with four glass beads, and was interpreted as female (largely on the basis of the presence of beads), between twelve and fourteen years of age, and about five feet in height. A second burial was located not far from the first, apparently supine, orientated west-east, with an iron knife by the waist and bronze buckles and strap ends by the neck (Lukis 1870b, 176-7). Similar finds of a knife and buckle were found buried with a third inhumation, which was described as 'laid on the right side, with the legs much bent’ (Lukis 1870b, 177). The fourth skeleton was also found in a similar position, and from the description, the latter two may represent crouched burials (DBA 179-186).
The location of Early Medieval cemeteries on gravel ridges, or on high points in the landscape, is one that has often been observed, and it may be that this was a significant factor in the choice of How Hill as a burial site. The local landscape is known to have been the focus for burial since prehistoric times, and the re-use of prehistoric sites for Early Medieval burial is another well attested phenomenon (Williams 1998). The fact that How Hill, although a natural feature, resembles a long mound, may again have been a factor that made it an attractive burial site. These Early Medieval communities would have sought to appropriate their surroundings through the positioning of burial sites in topographically prominent locations, possibly of previous ritual significance.
A further burial in the area (DBA 176/177) might represent a continuation of this tradition, possibly of slightly later date. This burial was located near Camp Hill mansion, at a prominent point in the landscape, and was described by Lukis as 'evidently of the Danish period’ (Lukis 1870b, 180), due to the character of the iron sword and spearhead that were found with the inhumation.
A high profile bishopric is known to have been in existence at Ripon since at least the 7th century, and consequently it might be expected that subsidiary foundations of churches and chapels would be found in the surrounding landscape. Although often ambiguous, some evidence of this type has been recovered from the area of study.
An 'alleged’ chapel has been recorded at Carthorpe (DBA 175), thought to have been evidence for pre-Norman ecclesiastical activity. Whellan (1859) stated that the chapel was near Hall Garth, and, having fallen into poor condition, was being used as a cowshed. The Victoria County History, however, states that the chapel was at the east end of the village, and, having been converted into a cottage, was subsequently demolished. It seems that the precise location and character of this chapel will remain unknown, although there is still the possibility that there was an Early Medieval foundation in the village (SMR records).
Further evidence of Early Medieval activity occurs in the region of Magdalen field, where finds of Anglian sculpture (Collingwood 1907; 1909-11) might indicate the presence of early foundations (DBA 197). Two fragments of sculpture found at the promontory site of Magdalen Field have been dated by Collingwood to the Anglian period, whilst a further cross shaft from the garden at Tanfield lodge has been ascribed a slightly later date (Plate 6). There has been some suggestion that these finds indicate the presence of a church or chapel in the region, and the earthworks in Magdalen field, although generally thought to be Medieval in date, may represent an earlier site. Similarly, the pre-Norman sculpture built into the 12th century fabric of the church of St Mary’s at Wath (DBA 191-196) would seem to indicate the presence of an early church, although this must again remain inconclusive. The Domesday Book mentions a church in existence at Well in 1086, which might be indicative of an early date for its foundation.
Plate 6 Early medieval sculpture from Tanfield (Collingwood 1911)
The existence of numerous manors, hamlets or villages in the area by 1086 is attested by records in the Domesday Book. Where manors are described as having previously been held by named individuals, this would indicate that they had been present in the landscape for some time. Whilst this is not conclusive evidence of Early Medieval activity, it might be used to postulate a pattern of dispersed settlement in this period. An example of this type occurs at Kirklington (DBA 210), where the manor had been held by Roschil, but passed to Count Alan at the time of the Conquest. Carthorpe (DBA 206) and East Tanfield (DBA 14) had been held by Archil, whose lands also became part of Count Alan’s estates (Page 1914, 358), as did the manor and carucates of Sutton Howgrave (DBA 222), held by Floteman (Page 1914, 374). The pattern is repeated throughout the area, at Upsland (DBA 16) where land was held by Archil and Torfin, Yarnwick (DBA 200) where the land was held by Gernan, West Tanfield (DBA 27) which previously belonged to Torchil, Wath (DBA 226) which was held by Archil and Roschil, Melmerby (DBA 214) which was in the possession of Archil and Tor, and Middleton Quernhow (DBA 215) which was previously held by Tor. At Roxby House in the parish of Pickhill with Roxby, a possible deserted Medieval village site (DBA 203) has produced finds of Early Medieval date, supporting the idea that several of these villages had much earlier origins. The recurrence of certain individuals as previous landowners would indicate that towards the end of this period, land ownership was dominated by the élite few, much the same as in the Medieval period.
Widespread occupation of this area during the Early Medieval period is also attested by the place-names, many of which contain Old English elements such as '-ing-' (people of) or 'tun’ (village or farmstead). The names of Hutton (village/homestead on the spur of hill), Sutton (south homestead/village), and Middleton (middle homestead/village) may indicate that a range of settlements existed during this period, given names that described topographical positions and relationships to each other. Kirklington can be interpreted as 'tun of the of Cyrtla’s people’ (Ekwall 1964). Old Danish or Old Norse elements may relate to settlement of the area in the later part of the Early Medieval period. Scandinavian elements 'thorpe’ and 'by’ are also seen, at Carthorpe and Melmerby (Ekwall 1964). Wath, too, is Old Scandinavian in origin, meaning ford (Ekwall 1964, 501).
The Medieval Period (AD1066 - AD1539)
This period traditionally covers the years from the Norman Conquest to the Dissolution of the Monasteries and since this encompasses almost five centuries, it is clear that the landscape in Yorkshire did not remain as it was at the time of the Domesday survey. In general there was a steady expansion of activity in the countryside until about 1300 when it started to decline and change due to changing values and practices (Muir 1997, 155). The communal systems of open-field farming were still being established even into the 13th century, but by the 16th century these systems were already in disarray with lands being enclosed by agreement between groups of tenants causing the loss of common lands for the poorer farmers.
Evidence for the Medieval period in this area is prolific, both archaeologically and historically. Documentary sources dating to the late 12th and early 13th centuries reveal a landscape that would have been occupied for the most part by dispersed settlement, agricultural land and woodland, held by both secular and ecclesiastical landowners. The fortune and ownership of this land can be traced throughout the Medieval period in extant documents, and these sources allow us to populate the landscape with named landowners. Into the 16th century, changes in agricultural practice caused changes to the landscape, and several settlements are known to have become depopulated. Settlement appears to have become more nucleated, creating a landscape that has largely survived until today. Abandoned or deserted settlements, whilst no longer inhabited, have not disappeared entirely, and their extant earthworks, along with the rarer examples of surviving Medieval architecture, provide further information about the nature of the Medieval landscape.
The pattern of settlement in the area has changed significantly since the 11th century, and during the Medieval period moved from a landscape of small, dispersed settlements to one containing fewer, larger villages. Of the modern villages that exist in the area, many were mentioned in the Domesday Book, and, as has been suggested, may have existed for centuries previous to this.
Carthorpe (Carrtop), Kirklington (Cherdington), West Tanfield (Tanefeld), Sutton Howgrave (Sudtone), Pickhill, Wath (Wat), Melmerby (Malmerbi), Hutton Conyers (Hotone), Middleton Quernhow, Nunwick and Well (Page 1914, 350f), were all recorded in 1086, and have survived into the modern day. The churches in some of these villages, several of which still retain 12th century fabric, and several other buildings show development and growth into the following centuries. West Tanfield (DBA 27), the main settlement in the study area, grew considerably throughout the post-Conquest centuries. Also held by Count Alan in 1086, West Tanfield survived and prospered where East Tanfield did not. The survival of the Medieval Marmion Tower (DBA 233), and the 12th century church of St Nicholas (DBA 235), indicate that the village continued to develop throughout the following centuries.
Archaeological and historical evidence suggests, however, that several more settlements within this area that did not survive beyond the Medieval period, possibly due to changes in land holding and agricultural activity. The settlement at East Tanfield (DBA 14), recorded with West Tanfield as 'Tanefeld’ in 1086 is one such village. In 1301, East Tanfield is recorded to have had seventeen families paying tax, and in 1332, fourteen taxpayers were recorded. The settlement is known to have been abandoned with the eviction of the 32 inhabitants of the eight remaining houses in the 16th century (Muir 1997, 165). Evidence for this settlement survives on the ground, and East Tanfield has been described by Beresford and Hurst as a site of medium quality, worthy of preservation (Beresford and Hurst 1971, 64). The central hollow way of 'Towngate’ is clearly visible, along with house platforms and other structures within the village.
Other settlements and manors mentioned in 1086, which did not survive beyond the Medieval period, have, however, left their trace on the physical landscape. Yarnwick Garth (DBA 200), north of Kirklington, is now recorded as earthworks (Page 1914, 372), as are the settlements of Nunwick (DBA 199), Howgrave (DBA 198) and Sleningford (DBA 201). The site of the manor at Upsland is now occupied by Upsland farm, but ground reconnaissance and aerial photography clearly show the moat that indicates that this was a site of some importance and status in its day (DBA 15, DBA 16).
Documents hint at other manor houses in this general region. John de Marmion received license to crenellate his house 'Lermitage’ in his wood at Tanfield, believed to be located in the loop of the River Ure, to the southwest of West Tanfield. Parkland and woodlands held by John de Marmion are thought to have extended as far north as Binsoe Hill (Page 1914, 385), and the vestiges of 'Lermitage’ may be represented by the earthworks in Magdalen Field (DBA 232).
While some settlements disappeared, a handful of sites not recorded in 1086 do emerge in later documents. Nosterfield (DBA 25) and Thornborough (DBA 26) were not recorded in the Domesday Book in 1086, but are known to have existed since the 13th century, and have maintained a small but continuous population until the modern day. Similarly, tenements at Binsoe (DBA 236) are known to have existed from the 15th century.
The church seems to have been a major influence on this area during the Medieval period, and much of the land was held by ecclesiastical bodies. Large parts of the area surrounding Ripon were divided and held by the Archbishops of York and the Chapter of Ripon. The Archbishops of York, in particular, were major landholders in the region, and 'Ripon Parks’ (DBA 219), which they held, occupied a swathe of land to the south of the River Ure, encompassing many of the settlements in the southern part of the study area. Detached lands were held at Nunwick, Sutton Howgrave and in the region of Berry Hills to the north of Kirklington (Gowland 1934-6). The keepers of this park occupied three lodges: the Horseman’s Lodge, constructed of timber and a thatched roof, Chief’s Lodge, of timber construction with a tiled roof, and the North Lodge. The land held by the Archbishops was handed over to the King in the mid-16th century by Archbishop Holgate, and the surviving farms of North Parks Farm (DBA 220) and Middle Parks Farm (DBA 221) may represent two of the three lodges of this large estate (Gowland 1934-6, 58).
The Medieval communities in this study area would have farmed surrounding lands, and also held individual plots. The plans of villages in the area, seen on modern maps but more clearly on earlier editions (OS 1856), retain some of the boundaries that would have demarcated the strips of land held by particular individuals. These are particularly well preserved in the 19th century plans of West Tanfield, Wath, Carthorpe, Kirklington and Melmerby (OS 1856). Enclosure maps of the 19th century also show some areas of strip farming that may be indicative of earlier practices, for example in the areas to the south of Wath and south of Thornborough.
Common land would also have been much exploited during this period and the common lands used by these communities are well documented in maps, place-names and other historical sources. Common land in the area north of West Tanfield, is known from 19th century maps to have been divided between Thornborough Moor, Tanfield Common and Nosterfield Common, and survived in use until the Enclosures of the nineteenth century. These rights were not, however, undisputed. A document of 1257 survives, which records arbitration between Ralph Marmyun and Lady Avice Marmyun, and provides some indication of the nature of the landscape, and how it was exploited (May 11th 1257, in M’Call 1908):
'...about common of pasture in Welle, Tanefeld, Nosterfeld, Karethorpe and Fagherwall....Avice is to have her woods and lands in Tanefeld free of common. All the pasture within the bounds of a carucate belonging to Ralph in the common fields of West Tanfield shall remain free of common of pasture. The road leading from Binzhow, on the south side of the hedge of the spinney to Irefordgate should be used for carts and ploughs of old. The men of Nosterfield, both those of Ralph and Avice, should have their lands and pastures as formerly, and should have common in the moors and meadows of Nosterfield. But they should not have common of pasture in the woods, meadows and pastures of Well, on the north of Hilum, nor even of Tanfield. The men of Nosterfield to have their estovers from their peat-ground on the south side of Hilum up to Lysiardewath free of charge. The peat-ground on the north side of Hilum to remain to Ralph. No one is to have common of herbage after the hay has been carried in the meadows of Well, between Nosterfield and Well, except Ralph. Avice is to have a road for driving carts between her manors of Tanfield and Carthorpe through the middle of the swamp on the south side of the head of the wood of Langwith, along the road to Holgate. All the wood called Langwith to remain in severalty of the said Ralph, so that he can enclose it if he likes. A parcel of the land in the common field of Fagherwell once occupied by John de Fagherwell to remain to Ralph without paying any rent. Certain other parcels of land on the other side of the moor to remain to Avice to do what she likes with. Cattle of either party trespassing to be driven back, but if they will not go back to be impounded for a reasonable charge...’
Penes Thos. Arton, Esq.
This document provides several useful insights into the division, exploitation and population of this landscape during the 13th century. Several of the places and landmarks can be identified, or suggested, from existing place-names and maps. Binzhow, modern Binsoe, has a road leading to the southeast, towards West Tanfield bridge, where documents record an earlier ford. This might tentatively be linked to the place-name Irefordgate (containing 'ford’ and possibly 'Ure’). This road may therefore mark the route of Avice’s cart road. A second road is described as leading through the middle of the swamp, to the south of Langwith wood. Langwith House, and a large woodland shown on the 1856 Ordnance survey map of the area, presumably relate to this woodland in the northern part of the study area. Other wooded areas, particularly at West Tanfield, in land located in a loop of the River Ure, are shown on maps to have survived to the modern day, though less extensively than in the Medieval period, or even than the 18th century. These presumably would have been exploited for building material, fuel, and used as common ground, where it was permitted. It seems that peat was also regarded as a valuable resource, as it was deemed necessary to describe who had right to which peat grounds.
The exploitation of peat, and the mention of swamps, may provide some clue as to why certain areas remained in use for common land, as poorly drained land would not have been used for arable purposes. This may also be applicable to Hutton Moor, located to the west of the A1 within the study area. Place-name evidence suggests that this area, too, was not well drained. The geological map shows that there were peat deposits on the area known as Marton Carr on Marton-le-Moor, the 'carr’ place-name is from the Old Norse meaning boggy land (Field 1972, 38). 'Hutton Mires’ remained largely unenclosed into the 19th century (1831 map, Robinson) and swampy land is marked early maps of Rainton Common. The common field name 'Flasks’ is also indicative of boggy land, and north of one site called 'Bell Flasks’ a farm name has survived as 'Mire Barf’ presumably again linked to marshland. 'Dub’ occurs as a place-name element in 'Queen Mary’s Dubb’ and refers to land containing a pond (Field 1972, 67). Much of the land in the study area does not seem to have been drained for farming during the Medieval period, but used instead for common land and grazing.
The boundaries of common lands and estates, in addition to being recorded in document form, were also marked in the landscape, through the use of boundary stones. Whilst these rarely survive and cannot be securely dated, it is possible to suggest that they would have been erected in the Medieval period, when many of these boundaries were consolidated. These stones are recorded on early 19th century maps, marking the boundaries of Hutton Common, of lands around Ripon Parks. Many of these seem to correspond to modern boundaries, and stones are mentioned in the description of boundaries as early as the 15th century.
The Post-Medieval & Modern Periods (AD1539 - present)
The Post-Medieval Period is usually considered to start with the Dissolution in 1539. Feudal farming practice was being replaced with estates of enclosed land worked by tenant farmers. With the Dissolution, monastic lands were sold off to new land-owners or to existing landowners seeking to enlarge their estates and rents were now usually paid in cash rather than in kind. At the end of the 18th century, Parliamentary Enclosure further changed the face of the countryside. The Modern Period is deemed to have started with the Industrial Revolution from about 1760, which caused many people to move into towns to work in factories instead of running small industries from home. This also had an impact on the type of farming carried out in the countryside, and meant that there was an increase in mining for fuel and quarrying for building materials. There has been an increasing demand for these resources particularly since the late 19th century.
The detailed assessment area was subject to Parliamentary Enclosure in the 1790s, when John Mowbray was appointed to divide and allocate the open fields and common ground around West Tanfield and Thornborough, and it was during the 1790s that the field system evident on the first Ordnance Survey maps came into being (Figure 5). The enclosure of Hutton Moor in the landscape study area seems to have occurred slightly later, and is recorded on maps dating to 1811 and 1815 (Figure 6). Prior to this, there is limited evidence for the precise nature of agricultural and industrial activity in the area, but that which does exist suggests that the Ure would have been utilised as a power source for several mills, and the resources of limestone to the west of Nosterfield would have been exploited.
Figure 5. Thornborough: Pre-1799 enclosures - in prep
Figure 6. Hutton Moor: Pre 1813 land use and enclosures - in prep
Towards the end of the Post-Medieval period, Emmanuel Bowen annotates his map with the following description of the type of resources that would have been exploited by those in the North Riding:
'The earth and soil [of the North Riding], being more hilly, must be somewhat more barren than the other ridings; yet in the valleys and near the rivers, is found plenty of good grass, so that the cattle for the plough, the pail, have sufficient support...The mountains afford good pasturage for sheep which husbandsmen and peasants sell lean into other counties for fattening...But the surface of the earth yields less profit than the inward parts which are full of a valuable Treasure of Metals and Minerals, as Lead, Allum, Jet, Copperas, Marble, Pit Coals & c. This riding is well watered and supplied with fish by the four great rivers Tees, Ure, Darwent [sic] and Swale....’
(Eman. Bowen ?1750)
The western part of the study area has an underlying geology of Magnesium limestone, known to have been exploited in Yorkshire from as early as the Roman period for building material, and for cement and lime-burning (Page 1914, 377-8). However, the history of the Yorkshire quarries is unclear, as few historical documents have survived concerning this industry (Page 1914, 376). There is some evidence for quarrying close to Nosterfield, of uncertain date, although the scale of works and the presence of lime kilns suggest that extraction was not undertaken to produce building materials. The 1856 Ordnance Survey map of the area shows an area of 'Old Quarries (Limestone),’ and the 'Nosterfield Limekilns’, to the west of Nosterfield, indicating that extraction and exploitation had been carried out prior to this date (DBA 28). These works are not labelled on late 18th century maps, such as that dating to 1792, which shows field boundaries crossing the area of the quarries. It is unclear whether this indicates that quarrying had not been undertaken at this point, or whether the fields had since been reclaimed as agricultural land, and the quarries were not deemed relevant to the surveyor. However, field names such as 'Lime Kiln Close’ and 'Kiln Close’, recorded in the enclosure documents in 1837 as arable land, suggest that the lime quarrying and the lime kilns were of Post-Medieval or earlier date.
Further evidence of this activity in the general area is represented by finds from Post-Medieval quarrying, located along the northern banks of the River Ure near Magdalen Wood (DBA 261). Quarries seem to be numerous throughout the study area, with several small quarries, or disused quarries shown on maps dating to the 18th and 19th centuries. These seem to be very small scale, and used to extract whatever materials were available. Clay and marl might have been extracted for the purpose of brick or tile making, with the 1831 map of the area showing a brick kiln (located in Brick Kiln Field) on Nunwick Beck between Nunwick and Hutton Conyers (DBA 264), and to the northeast of this, a brick and tile yard marked on the 1856 map on a site that is now occupied by 'Brickyard Cottage’ (DBA 263).
The River Ure is likely to have been of importance to settlement and industry during this period, providing a valuable source of power for milling. Mills are recorded in the wider area as early as the 16th century, an example occurring to the west of Norton Conyers, where two Post-Medieval mills (DBA 245) are believed to have been succeeded by the surviving Norton Mills (Page 1914, 391). No documentary evidence has been located concerning mills in the area of West and East Tanfield, although the presence of later mills, the nature of the topography, and the status of these settlements suggests that Post-Medieval, if not earlier, milling activity is likely along the River Ure. Jefferys’ 1771 map of the North Riding of Yorkshire depicts Tanfield Mill (DBA 24), on the northern bank of the river to the east of West Tanfield. The 1856 Ordnance Survey map again shows Tanfield Mill, and also Walk Mill on the southern bank. Both are labelled as corn mills, which seems to complement the apparently predominantly arable nature of agricultural activity in the area, shown in the enclosure document of 1838. This document also records the field name 'Mill Field’, given to a large area north of the River Ure, between East and West Tanfield, suggesting that this activity was of some antiquity. On more recent maps, Sleningford Mill (DBA 22) is shown close to the site of Walk Mill, and the land surrounding this site is known as Mill Batts.
Further evidence of milling is provided in the field and topographic names to the north of the River Ure. The enclosure documents of 1799, in describing disputes over the rights of tenants to common land, describes the boundaries of the area of Thornborough Moor that would be retained following enclosure. The boundary descriptions mention flour mills, and, although difficult to place, it seems that these would have been located to the east of Nosterfield. Further suggestion of milling activity is provided by the name given to 'Mill Hill’ and the identification of part of Ings Goit as a possible mill race on the 1856 Ordnance Survey map (DBA 21).
A slight hint is provided in place-names and spot finds that the river might have been used in metalworking processes. SMR records mention undated finds of bloomery slag in the banks of the river south of West Tanfield (DBA 258), interestingly located close to a field labelled 'Furnace Hill’.
The most dramatic change to this landscape, and the way that it would have been managed and exploited, came at the end of the 18th century with the implementation of Parliamentary Enclosure. In the detailed assessment area, enclosure of the countryside had already commenced prior to 1750, shown as areas of 'old inclosure’ labelled on the 1799 enclosure maps (NYCRO QDD (1) 42). These areas include fields to the northeast of West Tanfield, and further to the north at an area labelled as the 'Flasks’ on the 1856 Ordnance Survey map. The earlier enclosure of these fields was approved by John Mowbray in 1799, and so these field boundaries remained in place.
The 1799 enclosure maps reveal something more of the previous, open-field landscape surrounding West Tanfield. A large area around the central Thornborough Henge had been given over to strip farming associated with the hamlet of Thornborough. The direction of the strips, and division of fields is depicted on the 1799 maps, showing a little of the character of agriculture at this time. To the north of these field systems, the 1799 map shows the division of a large area of common land between Tanfield Common, Nosterfield Common, and Thornborough Moor, each presumably providing pasture and resources for surrounding settlements (Figure 5).
The 1799 enclosure meant that this common land was divided, and allocated to various landowners, most notably large tracts of it going to the Earl of Ailesbury. There appears, from the documentary evidence, to have been some dispute about the enclosure of Thornborough Moor, as tenants of 'ancient messuages’ claimed continuing rights to use of this common land. It seems, however, that they lost their fight, and John Mowbray found that they only retained rights to that part of Thornborough Moor called Cote (?) Moor.
The agricultural activity in the area seems to have been varied, although predominantly arable, judging by the commutation awards of 1838, which list field names and the purpose to which they were given over. Land appears to have been generally described as arable, with some pasture and meadow, and limited areas recorded as woodland.
Much of the activity in the landscape in the Post-Medieval and modern periods would have been heavily influenced by a small number of landholding families, including notable individuals such as the Earl of Ailesbury. In 1622, the Manor of West Tanfield had passed to Diana, daughter of the Earl of Exeter, whose second husband was Thomas Bruce, Earl of Elgin. In 1676, the Manor was held by Robert Bruce, second Earl of Elgin, and first Earl of Ailesbury. The manor seems to have been retained by this family until the late 19th century, when it was sold, and it seems likely that the Earls would have been influential in implementing changes to the landscape that occurred during the 18th and early 19th centuries. Maps of East and West Tanfield, dating to 1792, and used as a basis for enclosing the land in 1799, were surveyed by Joseph Calbeck on behalf the Rt Hon the Earl of Ailesbury.
Several of the dwelling places of other notable families have survived in the study area, to varying degrees, providing evidence of the wealth of these families, and their likely influence as landholders. Howgrave Hall (DBA 237), home of the Bendlowes, stands to the northwest of Sutton Howgrave. The house itself survives as only a fragment of the original 17th century building, and terracing and walls indicate what must have been extensive gardens (Page 1914, 372). Kirklington Hall (DBA 211), a large hall enclosed by a 17th century brick wall, was for years the seat of the eminent Wandesford family. The house has an original wing dating to 1570, but much of the surviving fabric dates to the 17th century or later. Norton Conyers (DBA 223) also survives as an impressive hall, originally dating to the 16th century and believed to have been constructed by the last of the Nortons. Lying within an extensive park, the Old Hall of Middleton Quernhow (DBA 240) is believed to date to c.1640 (Page 1914, 386).
Sites of Undetermined Date
Apart from the known sites discussed by period above, there are a large number of sites suggested by aerial photography and field survey which cannot readily be characterised or dated. However, the distribution of these sites can contribute to our understanding of the patterns of settlement and activity within the landscape of the study area.
A study of aerial photographs was undertaken for the detailed assessment area, but cropmark sites have only been plotted for the whole area where they appear on the SMR. The vertical aerial photographs, generally taken for mapping or military purposes, showed very few cropmarks, although they were useful as a control for plotting some of the obliques. The oblique collection studied was obviously biased towards the area of the Thornborough henges and although there was a wide range of photographs of this area, some features such as the pit alignment near the southern henge and parts of the cursus, showed only in one sortie. Other features in the surrounding landscape rarely showed in more than one photograph and some were very unclear.
Cropmarks of tracks and field boundaries, as well as possible small enclosures, are visible to the west of the northern henge and to the north of the road now known as the B6267. There are particular concentrations of cropmarks on, and to the northwest of, Nosterfield , in the large field to the east of Ladybridge and to the north of Upsland Farm. Two of these concentrations (DBA 32, 33, 44) have been tested by geophysical survey and trial excavation but no datable material was recovered. Surface finds from fieldwalking were all of Medieval and Post-Medieval date and are thought to be the result of the manuring of the fields in these periods (NAA 1993).
The area to the south of the road between Thornborough and Upsland Farm also seems to have a particular concentration of both cropmarks and earthworks ranging from pit alignments to ridge and furrow. It is not possible to date these field systems without excavation or field survey, but with one or two exceptions, they all seem to predate the 1856 Ordnance Survey map and the large ditches seen on ANY117/18 and excavated at Nosterfield , post-dated a ring ditch and contained Roman pottery in their final backfill.
All cropmarks recognised in the assessment of the detailed area have been plotted to show their distribution in relation to the underlying geology (Map 4 - web version of Map 4 geology has been omitted). In the band of land between the Thornborough henges and the River Ure, with the exception of East Tanfield deserted Medieval village, there are very few cropmarks or earthworks which do not belong to the sacred prehistoric landscape of ritual monuments, pit alignments and burial mounds. This distribution does not seem to be dictated by geology since, even though there is a change from River Terrace deposits to Fluvio-Glacial Terrace deposits, these are both areas of sand and gravel. However, on areas of underlying peat and on many of the till deposits, there is a marked absence of cropmarks and in many cases a cropmark which shows clearly on the gravel stops abruptly as it reaches an area of till. There are exceptions to this, particularly to the southeast around Hutton Moor, where the geology is predominantly till over sandstone, and where a large number of cropmarks are visible. Generally, it cannot be assumed that an absence of cropmarks denotes an absence of archaeological sites, and it may be the case that archaeological sites are better preserved in the till.
In the western part of the study area around the Thornborough henges, even allowing for the uneven distribution of cropmarks caused by the underlying geology, there still seems to be a pattern which is reflected in the findings of Harding’s fieldwalking campaign, with sites of settlement or agricultural activity located at a certain distance away from the monuments, thereby reinforcing his idea of the landscape being divided into 'sacred’ and 'profane’ areas (Harding 1998a, 37).
This pattern is not as clear on Hutton Moor. Although one of the cropmarks may represent a cursus, two others are possible henge monuments and the majority of the sites in the vicinity of the henges are barrows or ring ditches of possible barrows, there remains a fairly large number of enclosures and linear features of uncertain date dispersed across the area.
Finds of Undetermined Provenance
A search through the North Yorkshire SMR, the Ordnance Survey Antiquity Record card index and notes in the Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, revealed a surprising lack of finds for an area so rich in sites. Those that have been recorded are mainly of prehistoric date, confirming the predominance of activity in the area in this period.
There are too few for their distribution to have any significance but those that can be plotted are referenced in the gazetteer and those whose provenance was not clear appear only in the table below. In the absence of detailed information, some of the finds in the table below are likely to be duplicates.
Table 2 Unprovenanced chance finds
| Source | NGR | Parish | Description |
|---|---|---|---|
| OSAR | E. or W. Tanfield (nr. Thornborough) | Middle Bronze Age spearhead - found by metal detectorists on farmland near Thornborough | |
| OSAR 4065 YAJ 1963,41,161:14 |
SE 2895 7885 or SE 2854 7946 |
E. or W. Tanfield | Prehistoric axe found on Thornborough Moor on either southern or central henge |
| OSAR | SE 2805 8005 | W. Tanfield | Prehistoric mottled grey flint blade found on central henge (co-ords for northern one) |
| YAJ 1974, 46: 17 | SE 2 7 | Axe from Tanfield | |
| YAJ 1974, 46: 17 | SE 2 7 | Polished stone axe from Tanfield | |
| YAJ 1974, 46: 16 | SE 3 8 | 'from Kirklington’ | Polished flint axe, now in British Museum |
| YAJ 1974, 46: 16 | SE 3 8 | Basalt mace head from Kirklington, now in British Museum | |
| YAJ 1974, 46: 16 | Melmerby | Three stone axes | |
| YAJ 1974, 46: 17 | Wath | Stone axe | |
| YAJ 1974, 46: 19 | Bronze socketed axe from Thornborough | ||
| YAJ 1974, 46: 17 | Polished stone axe from Thornborough | ||
| YAJ 1974, 46: 16 | Flint axe, now in British Museum | ||
| YAJ 1974, 46: 21; PPS 32 1966, 240 | 'from Kirklington' | Basalt mace head. 8", sides in concave form | |
| YAJ 1869, 1: 117 | Hammer and flint implements on Hutton Moor | ||
| YAJ 1974, 46: 15 | Polished stone axe from Hutton Moor | ||
| NYM 19641 | SE 35 73 | Hutton Conyers | Prehistoric find |
| NYM 19642 | SE 35 73 | Hutton Conyers | Prehistoric find |
| NYM 19647 | SE 35 73 | Hutton Conyers | Neolithic find |
| NYM 19810 | SE 34 72 | Hutton Conyers | Neolithic find near Blois Hall Farm |
| NYM 19868 | SE 34 75 | Hutton Conyers | Bronze Age find |
| NYM 19853 | SE 33 77 | Wath | Prehistoric find |
| NYM 19854 | SE 33 77 | Wath | Prehistoric find |
| NYM 19891 | SE 33 77 | Wath | Neolithic find |
| NYM 19890 | SE 34 77 | Melmerby | Neolithic find |
| NYM 20176 | SE 32 81 | Kirklington | Neolithic find |
| NYM 20177 | SE 32 81 | Kirklington | Bronze Age find |
| NYM 19900 | SE 32 78 | Wath | Tree trunk coffin |